The treaty that the United States and Iran signed in July 2015, was the most exhaustive and stringent nuclear agreement in history. No other nuclear treaty comes close. The so-called Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) imposed the most rigorous and extensive verification measures and restrictions of any treaty ever. In terms of scope, enforcement and duration, it was the toughest of all-time, hands-down.

The strict controls on Iran’s nuclear program, ensured that Iran would not be able to divert nuclear material to a weapons program. In short, the deal made it impossible for Iran to build a nuclear weapon which was the stated goal of the agreement and the primary reason for US involvement. But on May 8, 2018, President Trump withdrew from the treaty without consulting Congress or US allies, putting the US in material breach of its obligations under the terms of the agreement. Additionally, he reimposed unilateral sanctions on Iran despite the fact that Iran had already shipped 25,000 pounds of enriched uranium out of the country, dismantled and removed two-thirds of its centrifuges, removed the calandria from its heavy water reactor (and filled it with concrete), and provided unprecedented access to its nuclear facilities and supply chain. In every way, shape and form, Iran had complied with the ‘letter of the law’ and fulfilled its obligations under the terms of this odious agreement, and yet Trump saw fit to consign it to the dustbin with a wave of the hand. This is the story that the western media will never tell its readers.

The treaty featured stricter requirements on Uranium Enrichment Limits, sharp reductions in the stockpile of low-enriched uranium, sharp reduction in the number of centrifuges that were allowed, new and onerous restrictions on underground facilities and research sites, complete termination of plutonium production, and a total ban on the building of heavy-water reactors.

Additionally, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) was given access to Iran’s entire nuclear supply chain, including uranium mines, centrifuge production, and undeclared sites.

Iran also willingly submitted to continuous monitoring that allowed 24/7 inspections of declared facilities; “challenge inspections” that allowed the IAEA access to suspicious sites; and humiliating Additional Protocols, that imposed special transparency measures that were never imposed on any other country in any other treaty.

In every way, the JCPOA was the ‘gold standard’ of nuclear treaties, which means that—under its provisions—one could be 100% certain that Iran would never build a nuclear weapon.

Let me repeat that: Under the terms of the JCPOA the world could be 100% certain that Iran was not building a nuclear weapon.

So, what part of this agreement sounds like “The worst deal in history”?

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Trump has never been asked that question, nor would he be able to answer it. If he was honest, however, he would admit that he withdrew from the treaty not due to anything Iran had done (Iran remained in strict compliance throughout) but because Israeli PM Benjamin Netanyahu saw the treaty as an obstacle to his regime change plans for Tehran. As many people have come to realize, Israel aspires to become the regional hegemon which means that the economic strangulation of Iran must persist until which time Bibi can goad Trump into launching decapitation strikes on Tehran. That is the ultimate strategic objective, to obliterate Iran just as Israel-US have obliterated of Libya, Iran, Syria and now, Lebanon. Iran looms as the last great obstacle to Israel’s ambitious plan to rule the Middle East.

It’s worth noting that the JCPOA was endorsed by UN Security Council Resolution 2231, making it part of international law. While not a binding treaty, Trump’s unilateral withdrawal and reimposition of sanctions clearly violated the resolution’s call for all states to support the deal. A number of scholars have argued that Trump’s action undermined the principle of pacta sunt servanda (‘agreements must be kept’).

By the way, all of the other signatories—UK, France, Russia, China, Germany and the EU—held up their end of the bargain and honored the agreement. But not the United States, because the United States does not keep its word when it chooses not to do so. Rules, restrictions, treaties and laws do not apply to the United States.

The point we are making is that Iran acted honorably and fulfilled its obligations while the United States impulsively shrugged off its commitments and behaved like a petulant child. And that is why the Iranian negotiators refuse to even sit in the same room with the US negotiators. We should point out, however, that even on this seemingly trivial matter, Trump finds it impossible to tell the truth. He continues to insist that the two teams of negotiators are conducting direct “talks” when he knows for a fact that they are in separate rooms shuttling hand-written messages back and forth. This pattern of compulsive deception, even on the most insignificant of issues, is not normal. It’s a type of psychological disorder. Here’s an excerpt from an article at Press TV (which is an Iranian publication that is a thousand times more reliable than CNN):

Trump famously referred to the 2015 nuclear agreement as “the worst deal in history” and promised to strike a “better deal” that would also address other issues such as the Islamic Republic’s ballistic missile program and regional activities, issues that Iran had called its redlines.

In pulling out of the deal, the US president initiated what he called a “maximum pressure” campaign aimed at compelling Iran to renegotiate a new deal. All the other parties to the deal – Russia, China, Britain, France, and Germany – expressed regret over the US decision and pledged to uphold the agreement. Analysis: As indirect nuclear talks resume in Rome, why is Iran distrustful of US, Press TV

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So, there you have it: Trump pulled out of the most far-reaching and stringent nuclear treaty in history—not because Iran broke the rules—but because he was acting as an agent for Israel. He wanted to use the sanctions as a means of coercing Iran into abandoning its friends (Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis) and giving up the weapons (ballistic missiles) it needs to defend itself against the impending US-Israel military attack. Naturally, from Israel’s point of view, this makes perfect sense, while from Iran’s perspective it is tantamount to national suicide. Iran would have to be ‘barking mad’ to dismantle its strategic missile program at the precise time that Israel has lost all grip on reality and is rampaging across the region like Attila the Hun. Here’s more:

Whatever (Trump’s) true motives… one fact remains indisputable: the US abandoned the JCPOA despite the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) repeatedly confirming Iran’s full compliance with its nuclear obligations.

The UN nuclear agency, responsible for monitoring nuclear programs, had issued 15 reports verifying that Iran was adhering to the terms of the agreement, including limitations on uranium enrichment and reductions in its nuclear stockpile.

It had confirmed that Iran’s enriched uranium stockpile and heavy water reserves remained within the specified limits, noting that Iran had not exceeded the agreed-upon limits on key nuclear activities and had provided inspectors with access to all necessary sites. Analysis: As indirect nuclear talks resume in Rome, why is Iran distrustful of US, Press TV

Repeat: 15 reports verifying that Iran was adhering to the terms of the agreement!

The average American would never sit down and negotiate with someone who had repeatedly stabbed him in the back and “screwed him over.” But, once again, Iran has expressed its willingness to engage the US in negotiations despite Washington’s abysmal track record. And while we applaud their perseverance, we question their judgement. Here’s more:

Signed in July 2015 under President Barack Obama, the JCPOA was initially hailed as a triumph of diplomacy. But while Iran swiftly and fully implemented its commitments, the United States failed to hold up its end of the bargain from the very beginning.

Sanctions were supposed to be lifted on implementation day (January 16, 2016), once the IAEA confirmed Iran’s compliance. But the US Treasury imposed new sanctions the very next day, targeting individuals and entities connected to Iran’s missile program – even though missiles were not prohibited under the JCPOA or even UN Security Council Resolution 2231.

Throughout 2016, Washington continued to apply pressure tactics. Iran, for example, was only granted partial permission to purchase commercial aircraft after months of delay and a formal warning that it would invoke the JCPOA’s Dispute Resolution Mechanism (DRM).

Of the 117 Airbus aircraft Iran ordered, only three were delivered; none of the Boeing planes it ordered ever arrived.

In a more serious breach, US Congress passed a 10-year extension of the Iran Sanctions Act (ISA) in December 2016.

Analysis: As indirect nuclear talks resume in Rome, why is Iran distrustful of US, Press TV

Fair-minded Americans who have followed events in the Middle East closely, are probably not surprised at the dismal way that Iran has been treated. Even so, it’s shocking to see that the “US Treasury imposed new sanctions the very next day!” That’s got to be some kind of record! In other words, the ink on the treaty was still wet when double-dealing Obama went back on his word and violated the agreement. Here’s more:

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…. under Obama, the US approach to the JCPOA was marked by delays, loopholes, and politically calculated half-measures. The agreement may have represented a breakthrough on paper, but Washington’s failure to deliver meaningful economic relief signaled early on that the US could not be counted on to uphold its commitments, even when diplomacy was supposedly in full swing….

Fast forward to 2025, when Trump, upon returning to the White House, swiftly reinstated his “maximum pressure” campaign against Iran….

In a development that underscored the contradictions of Washington’s approach, Trump sent a letter to Ayatollah Khamenei expressing willingness to reach a deal, while threatening Iran with military action if no agreement is reached.

The move is widely viewed in Tehran as another attempt to create the illusion of diplomacy while intensifying sanctions and threats on the ground. For Iranian officials, it serves as further proof of the US pattern: Hostile actions cloaked in the language of outreach….

Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi emphasized that Tehran is open to negotiations but not under coercive tactics, stating that talks under “maximum pressure” equate to surrender.

In his February 7 speech, Ayatollah Khamenei pointed out that the JCPOA, which was the result of two years of intense negotiations, was torn up under Trump’s first term, asserting that negotiating with such an administration is “not wise, smart and honorable.”…

“We negotiated, we gave concessions, and we made compromises, but we didn’t attain the intended result,” he said, referring to the talks that resulted in the 2015 deal. “We must learn from this experience.” Analysis: As indirect nuclear talks resume in Rome, why is Iran distrustful of US, Press TV

One cannot help but wonder: Is Iran just wasting its time dealing with Trump? Wouldn’t it be wiser to simply end this farce and go back to building more missiles?

What’s clear is that none of this has anything to do with nuclear programs, nuclear enrichment or nuclear proliferation. It’s all a diversion aimed at stripping Iran of its critical weapons systems (ballistic missiles) so it is unable to defend itself against an Israeli-US attack. The real goal is to plunge Iran into the same chaotic misery as Libya, Syria and Iraq, all of whom have been deliberately annihilated so Israel can emerge as the preeminent regional power.

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This article was originally published on The Unz Review.

Michael Whitney is a renowned geopolitical and social analyst based in Washington State. He initiated his career as an independent citizen-journalist in 2002 with a commitment to honest journalism, social justice and World peace.

He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG).  

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