In the 1980s US politics continued its gradual merger with show business. Today it looks like a form of reality TV, a 24/7 series where Z-list celebrities and political hacks compete for the title of America’s Top Predator. The process was already underway in Reagan’s time and he was well trained for it.

Let’s get serious about the man often called the “great communicator,” an actor who became California governor and eventually the 40th US president. After the death of Ronald Reagan, mainstream media created a fictitious, soft-focus biography of the first celebrity president. Even today it’s common to hear people voice deep respect for his communication skills, overall performance and impact on the country. It’s as if millions have taken a drug that makes you forget years of greed, debauchery, and abuse – the political equivalent of Rohypnol. You might also call this form of amnesia The Reagan Hangover.

For most Republicans, calling forth “Dutch” Reagan used to be like bowing before a religious icon – part faith, part ritual. Until Trump he was the GOP’s Uber-President, the One who supposedly rolled back “big government” and ended the Cold War, the affable conservative “change agent.” An even broader public accepted the equally deceptive notion that he was a “straight shooter” who, at worst, didn’t know all that was being done in his name. Hearing such descriptions, it can feel like being sucked into a parallel universe where things are slightly, creepily different, sanitized and airbrushed.

The myth-making began as soon as he left the building. CBS reporter Anthony Mason covered news of his death in 2004 by asserting that Reagan “had an uncanny ability to make Americans feel good about themselves.” Certainly not everyone, but central to the idea that he had bonded uniquely with the masses. Dan Rather piled on by claiming he wasn’t just the great communicator, “he was also a master at communicating greatness.” Rather was always a contender for the Pointless Overstatement Award.

What really happened? In the 1980s US politics continued its gradual merger with show business. Today it looks like a form of reality TV, a 24/7 series where Z-list celebrities and political hacks like Pete Hegseth, Pam Bondi, Marco Rubio and Cash Patel compete for the title of America’s Top Predator. The process was already underway in Reagan’s time and, as a corporate pitchman, he trained for it on the tube. One-liners were beginning to change history. Fatuous banalities passed for a philosophy and ex-cathedra statements masquerading as arguments — “government is the problem” immediately comes to mind — burrowed into the nation’s psyche like the pork tapeworm that found a home in Robert Kennedy Jr.’s brain.

A Re-Ron, the Late Late Show / I swear I seen this somewhere before — Gil Scott-Heron

Like Trump and his minions, Reagan and company were adept at using reporters and cameras as props, ignoring the occasional tough questions while sticking with the “line of the day.” Journalists adapted, beginning to think in terms of narratives and story lines.

He did know how to stay on message. But what was it? Basically, Reagan put a smiley face on free market extremism. In this neo-Darwinism world it was everybody for themselves. He also taught media gatekeepers that the truth was no longer important. As Dick Cheney put it in his Reagan eulogy,

“He showed us that words change things more than acts.”

Another way to explain it is that, like Trump, he said one thing and did another. For example, Reagan insisted that a balanced budget was one of his priorities. Yet by the time he left office a combination of lower tax revenues and higher spending for the military sent the deficit through the roof.

Related to Reagan’s vaunted communication chops was another assertion: that he was honest and principled. The record, however, shows rampant corruption on his watch, and not just the constitution-shredding outrage known as Iran-Contra but a record for the number of indicted officials. By the end of his second term, at least 138 administration officials had been convicted, indicted or investigated for misconduct or criminal activity. Many were subsequently forgotten, but some were “rehabilitated” by the two Bushes.

Did Reagan know what was happening and just ignore it? Or was the early onset of Alzheimer’s a convenient tool for his advisors? When I met the man in 1980, he was already having distinct senior moments. The press corps teased him about it with trick questions, but never informed the public. Either way, it was more a matter of being oblivious than straightforward or especially clean.

We were in a makeshift pressroom near the airport. Security was so tight that Secret Service agents took the lens off cameras to look for hidden explosives or guns. Reagan babbled about trees causing pollution and at first drew a blank when asked about the four differences with George Bush he’d mentioned just the day before. Eventually, he managed to recall, “Welfare, that’s one of them.” The national press in the back of the room sniggered at the reply.

Though quite a bit of misleading was done on his behalf, often by the press, Reagan did utter clear falsehoods of his own. On invading Grenada, for instance, he claimed that the OAS pleaded for intervention. The pleading actually came from the US. He also claimed that the Russians had sprayed toxic chemicals over Afghanistan. It turned out to be pollen-laden feces dropped by honeybees over Laos and Cambodia.

Another myth was his relative popularity. The most popular president ever upon leaving office, media often claimed. Taking the cue, sycophants pressed for a monument and other forms of recognition. But Bill Clinton’s approval rating when he left office was higher. Same for Franklin D. Roosevelt, and that was after three-and-a half terms and a world war.

Was Reagan one of the most popular presidents of the 20th century? Actually, he ranked about the same as most post-World War II leaders. An average approval rating of 52 percent put him behind Kennedy (70 percent), Eisenhower (66), George H.W. Bush (61), Clinton (55) and Lyndon Johnson (55). In those days the majority usually supported their elected leaders. During his first term Reagan’s popularity frequently dipped below 50 percent, and slipped to 46 during Iran-Contra. His personal high was 68 percent, three points below Clinton’s.

By the way, Trump’s first and second term approval high so far is 47 percent, his average is 41 — a point below Joe Biden’s 42. But due to gerrymandering, the skewed logic of the US Senate — two members per state, regardless of population, and unchecked executive power, it’s now one nation under minority rule.

What about Reagan’s likeability? Sure, in a weird grandpa way. But while it was impossible to know his real personality — even his son Ron said he was inaccessible — the official likeability numbers weren’t significantly different from other presidents, including Jimmy Carter. And plenty of people thought at the time that he was dangerous, a cowboy who talked grandly about a Star Wars defense.

Nor was he especially optimistic, or a promoter of “old time values,” as The New York Times and others insisted. Actually, he ran a union-busting administration and unleashed a war on the poor. Not an especially compassionate conservative. Back in 1964, he joked about the fact that 17 million people went to bed hungry each night. “Well, that was probably true,” he said, “they were all on a diet.” Two years later he called unemployment insurance “a pre-paid vacation for freeloaders.” And let’s not forget his “bombing starts in ten minutes” joke about the Soviet Union before a presidential TV address.

Speaking of compassion, he didn’t mention AIDS publicly until 1987. By that time the disease had killed at least 19,000 people in the US alone. While public health professionals pressed for education and prevention, Reagan “moralists” like Education Secretary Bill Bennett insisted on limiting the response to abstinence.

Reagan appealed to private self interests rather than the public interest. Where were the calls to service, common effort, shared sacrifice or anything that extended beyond gratification of the individual? Nowhere to be found. Instead, his world view led to a celebration of selfishness, a green light for a new wave of conspicuous consumption.

Part Two will appear soon.

*

Click the share button below to email/forward this article. Follow us on Instagram and X and subscribe to our Telegram Channel. Feel free to repost Global Research articles with proper attribution.

Greg Guma is a Vermont writer, former editor, and author of 15 books, including Managing Chaos: Adventures in Alternative Media. Visit the author’s blog. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.  

Featured image is from the author

Global Research is a reader-funded media. We do not accept any funding from corporations or governments. Help us stay afloat. Click the image below to make a one-time or recurring donation.

Source link